But after 238 years, it should be obvious — America has overcome much bigger challenges, and we’ll overcome the ones that we face today. We will stay united and committed to the ideals that have shaped us for more than two centuries, including the opportunity and justice and dignity of every single human being.
Instead, the focus of the politicians seems to be to increase the militarized control of the entire nation, giving more power to corporations, thus deepening the divide and putting a bandaid over the chest wound, as the patient dies, with nice speeches and a Nobel Peace Prize award dinner.
Instead of focusing on increasing the positive things such as community, peace, love, happiness and harmony, the trends seem to all be going negative, towards fascism, fear, hatred, stress, lack and top down control. President Obama supports the TPP, which will further enable these huge corporations causing all of the problems to expand their absolute power and control globally.
Open Letter; 15 Reasons Why Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) Is The Worst Idea Possible As Another Trade Agreementhttp://agreenroad.blogspot.com/2015/03/open-letter-15-reasons-why-trans.html
What about the solution? Well, there is no room for that, not yet.. Got to sell more weapons, shoot off more DU dust, and spend 1 TRILLION on nuclear weapons, plus more on new nuclear plants.
The Force And Power Of Love; via A Green Road
EXCESSIVE USE OF FORCE BY MILITARIZED POLICE AND DEATHS OF UNARMED BLACK MEN SPARKS RIOTS AND PROTESTS IN BALTIMORE AND NATIONWIDE
Senior center ruins: Monday’s riot was the latest flare-up over the death of Gray and came amid a national debate over police use of force following the high-profile deaths of several black men in encounters with police – from the Brown death in Ferguson to the deaths of Eric Garner in New York and Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina
How And Why Police Brutality, Violence, Killing of Unarmed Civilians And Grand Juries Finding Them Innocent Backfires
BERKELEY RIOTS CAME OUT OF MULTIPLE MOVEMENTS WHICH COMBINED FORCES, ALL CAUSES WERE MADE UP OF IGNORED ISSUES FOR DECADES
Wikipedia; “The Berkeley riots were a series of protests at the University of California, Berkeley
, and Berkeley, California
, in the 1960s. Many of these protests were a small part of the larger Free Speech Movement
, which had national implications and constituted the onset of the counterculture
era. These riots were headed under the informal leadership of students Mario Savio
, Jack Weinberg
, Brian Turner, Bettina Aptheker
, Steve Weissman
, Art Goldberg, Jackie Goldberg
, and others.
BERKELEY RIOTS IN THE CAME OUT OF CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT, FREE SPEECH MOVEMENT AND VIETNAM WAR PROTESTS, PLUS A MERGING OF MANY GROUPS AND CAUSES INTO ONE LARGE PROTEST AND RIOT
The Berkeley riots can be generally defined by three single, yet interrelated events: the Civil Rights Movement
, the Free Speech Movement
, and the Vietnam war
protests in Berkeley, California.
The Berkeley riots were not the first demonstrations to be held in, and around the University of California Campus. Since before World War II, students had demonstrated at the university.
1930’s Student Protests
In the 1930s, the students at Berkeley led massive demonstrations protesting the United States ending its disarmament policy and the approaching war.
Throughout the course of World War II, these demonstrations continued with the addition of strikes against fascism; however, they were largely symbolic in form.
This can be inferred as the student groups leading these demonstrations did not necessarily seek, nor did they expect their demonstrations to result in change.
1950’s Student Protests
Nevertheless, this passive approach to demonstration changed in the 1950s at the height of the McCarthy era. From 1949 to 1950, students and teaching assistants at UC Berkeley rallied against the anti-communist loyalty oath that professors were forced to take at the university. Up until the Berkeley riots, these demonstrations were the largest student protests witnessed in the United States.
Considering the relatively high presence of demonstrations on the Berkeley campus in its history, and the fact that it had already been the site of the largest student demonstration in the United States, it provided a perfect site to nurture the Berkeley riots.
1960’s Student Protests
Sheraton Palace Demonstration
The Sheraton Palace Demonstration was essentially the first event in the Berkeley Riots. The protests were in response to the racially discriminatory hiring practices used by the hotel. The protesters sought equal hiring practices, and for the hotel to have black individuals in executive positions. Approximately 4000 people were involved with the protest and occupation of the hotel. Though the demonstration was organized by the Ad Hoc Committee to End Discrimination , a high percentage of individuals involved in the protest were members of the student population of the Berkeley campus.
Ban of tables on Bancroft and Telegraph
The administration of UC Berkeley believed that on campus political advocacy was partially to blame for the high percentage of student involvement in the widely media publicized Sheraton Palace demonstration. In response to such student political activity, on September 16, 1964, Dean of Students Katherine Towle released a letter stating that political activity and organization was no longer permitted on the corner of Bancroft and Telegraph. This intersection had served for years as a gathering place for students to hand out pamphlets and organize for political means. In protest of the recent ban on political activity and on-campus political organizations, the student group, CORE
, erected a table in front of Sproul Hall
Arrest of Jack Weinberg
On Thursday October 1, 1964, Jack Weinberg
, the chairman of Campus CORE, was sitting at the CORE table in front of Sproul Hall and was arrested for violating the University’s new rules regarding student political activism. Before the police car containing Weinberg could leave the plaza, students around the car sat down, preventing it from leaving. Throughout the night and into the next day, students, including Mario Savio, gave speeches from atop the car calling for free speech on campus. During that time, as many as 7000 people (mostly students) congregated in the plaza watching the spectacle and listening to the speeches.
On the evening of October 2, 1964, approximately twenty-four hours later, representatives of political groups on campus signed an agreement with the administration regarding student free speech, which was dubbed the Pact of October 2.
Occupation of Sproul Hall
The student occupation of Sproul Hall on December 2, 1964 was the largest single demonstration organized by the Free Speech Movement
The demonstration was in response to the proposed expulsion of Jack Weinberg and other members of the Free Speech Movement and other student political groups for their involvement in the recent protests on the Berkeley campus, as well as for the Universities refusal to drop charges against student political group leaders. The initial plan was to occupy the hall for a single night; however, the protesters were prepared for a two- to three-day demonstration and siege of Sproul Hall.
Ultimately, 1500 students occupied Sproul Hall before being removed by police. In all, 773 student activists were arrested for their involvement in this event.
Vietnam Day March
The Vietnam Day march was the ultimate achievement of the Vietnam Day Committee
. The committee was formed on May 22, 1965 during a two-day-long protest of the Vietnam War on the Berkeley campus.
The march occurred on November 21, 1965. After several failed attempts due to blockades by police and the National Guard, the Vietnam day committee was able to organize a march through the streets of Oakland, California. This march was monumental, as over 10,000 people marched showing their protest of the war, thus making it the first large-scale demonstration of negative public opinion of the Vietnam War.
Other notable events[edit
• March down Telegraph Avenue – October 15, 1965 Berkeley, CA
• March on Oakland Army Terminal – November 1965 Berkeley & Oakland, CA
• Stop the Draft Week – October 1967 Oakland, CA
Black Panther Party
Their organization and establishment inspired the Berkeley students, and led to cohesion between the two groups. The event epitomizing this cohesion was the Sheraton Palace demonstration, in San Francisco, California. The Berkeley Students involved in the various student groups (I.E. SLATE & CORE) and the members of the Black Panther Party united to protest outside the hotel while meetings between the administration board were being conducted inside. The goal of the protest was to advance the job opportunities of African Americans within the hotel through the use of social agitation. The protest proved successful, as the Hotel eventually signed an agreement allowing African Americans opportunities to not only advance but also to be hired into managerial positions.
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
(SNCC) was one of the principal organizations of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. There is evidence that many of the students involved in the Berkeley riots acquired their spirit of protest and learned techniques of civil disobedience through prior involvement in civil rights groups.
Vietnam Day Committee
The Vietnam Day Committee
(VDC) was a coalition of left-wing political groups, student groups, labor organizations, and pacifist religions in the United States of America that opposed the Vietnam War. It was formed in Berkeley, California in the spring of 1965 by activist Jerry Rubin
, and was active through the majority of the Vietnam war, organizing several rallies and marches in California as well as coordinating and sponsoring nationwide protests.
Stemming from TASC (Towards an Active Student Community), SLATE
was the main “New Left
” student group for the Berkeley campus throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Founded in February 1958, the SLATE Coordinating Committee aimed to promote students running for the Associated Students of University of California (ASUC) who were committed to engage in issue-oriented political education both on and off campus. SLATE was involved with both on-and off-campus issues such as “fair bear” minimum wages for students and affordable housing for students. SLATE led protests against compulsory ROTC
, demonstrations against the death penalty, protests against the California House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), and protests against racial discrimination.
The Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE) is a U.S. civil rights organization that played a pivotal role in the Civil Rights Movement from its foundation in 1942 to the mid-1960s. Membership in CORE is stated to be open to “anyone who believes that ‘all people are created equal’ and is willing to work towards the ultimate goal of true equality throughout the world.” Since 1968, CORE has been led by Roy Innis
Free Speech Movement
The Free Speech Movement
(FSM) was a student protest which took place during the 1964–1965 academic year on the campus of the University of California, Berkeley under the informal leadership of students Mario Savio, Jack Weinberg, Brian Turner, Bettina Apthecker, Steve Weissman, Art Goldberg, Jackie Goldberg, and others. In protests unprecedented at the time, students insisted that the university administration lift a ban on on-campus political activities and acknowledge the students’ right to free speech and academic freedom.
The idea was that if enough Americans believed the war was wrong, they could end it.
This was the central driving goal of the movement as a whole. Through marches, protests, and riots the protesters aimed to bring awareness to injustices happening in the war with hopes to end it permanently. Common events were protests around the drafting/induction centers and marches through town, which were often accompanied by speeches against the war in Vietnam. These protests were often met with police force in full riot gear which in turn sparked more angry riots. At one point the National Guard was called in to assist the local police force in riot control. Tear gas was used to control the crowds and left a haze of gas over the campus for days at a time. Classes were cancelled, or sometimes held in off-campus sites including students’ apartments.
As women became more involved in the inner workings of the Berkeley Riots, they began to move up in the ranks of the positions as well. However, as time progressed they began to face opposition, even from their peers. An organization based upon promoting the advancement of human rights was now rejecting women the opportunity to lead. This created a new branch of advancement for the Women’s Rights Movement
has been used to refer to the idea that members of a Christian religious group are under no obligation to obey the laws
as presented by religious authorities. However, a few scholars began to use the term in a secular context.
During this era, many people were influenced by the “antinomian personality”, a behavioral style which “places characteristic emphasis on intuition, immediacy, self-actualization, transcendence, and similar themes familiar with Hippie
conduct,” said Lawrence Chenoweth.
He said that those settled into this psychological state embrace the present, while rejecting the past and “fearing” the future. Chenoweth claims that the antinomian takes on a holistic attitude which results from the “confusion as to whether he is an agent or an agent to be acted upon and serves to compensate for the isolation he suffers.”
The antinomian often confronts “forces which make the individual aware of his impotence.”
Chenoweth says that all of these traits then combine into the stereotypical hippie persona, as the antinomian “treats his mind as if it were completely malleable, devalues reality, rejects reason and understanding, and selects certain experiences to create a fantasied, dogmatic cosmic view of the world.”
In doing so, says Nathan Adler, “the individual internalizes an objective world which he perceives to be reliable and consistent.”
As the individual now views the world in this fashion, he or she is easily agitated when the outside world deviates from his or her ideal and seeks to control its movements.
Many of the musicians during this era contributed widespread influence on the young people. This led to a young counterculture that had a distaste for authority and its ability to set boundaries around them.
KENT STATE SHOOTINGS CAME OUT OF STUDENT AND OTHER PROTESTS AGAINST ESCALATION OF VIETNAM WAR, DRAFT CHANGES, AND INVASION OF CAMBODIA BY PRESIDENT NIXON
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kent State shootings
Date May 4, 1970
Non-fatal injuries 9
Memorial to Jeffrey Miller, taken from approximately the same perspective as John Filo’s famous 1970 photograph as it appears today.
The Kent State shootings (also known as the May 4 massacre or the Kent State massacre) occurred at Kent State University in the US city of Kent, Ohio, and involved the shooting of unarmed college students by the Ohio National Guard on Monday, May 4, 1970. The guardsmen fired 67 rounds over a period of 13 seconds, killing four students and wounding nine others, one of whom suffered permanentparalysis.
Some of the students who were shot had been protesting the Cambodian Campaign, which President Richard Nixon announced during a television address on April 30. Other students who were shot had been walking nearby or observing the protest from a distance.
There was a significant national response to the shootings: hundreds of universities, colleges, and high schools closed throughout the United States due to a student strike of four million students, and the event further affected public opinion—at an already socially contentious time—over the role of the United States in the Vietnam War.
BACKGROUND; RICHARD NIXON HAD PROMISED TO END VIETNAM WAR, BUT INSTEAD CHANGED DRAFT RULES, ELIMINATED DEFERMENTS, AND THEN INVADED CAMBODIA
was elected President of the United States in 1968, promising to end the Vietnam War
. In November 1969, the My Lai Massacre
by American troops of between 347 and 504 civilians in a Vietnamese village was exposed, leading to increased public opposition in the United States to the war. The nature of the draft also changed in December 1969, with the first draft lottery
since World War II. This eliminated deferments allowed in the prior draft process, affecting many college students and teachers.
The war had appeared to be winding down throughout 1969, so the new invasion of Cambodia
angered those who believed it only exacerbated the conflict. Across the country, campuses erupted in protests in what Time
called “a nation-wide student strike”, setting the stage for the events of early May 1970.
Map of the shootings
Thursday, April 30
President Nixon announced to the nation that the “Cambodian Incursion” had been launched by United States combat forces.
Friday, May 1
At Kent State University a demonstration with about 500 students was held on May 1 on the Commons (a grassy knoll in the center of campus traditionally used as a gathering place for rallies or protests). As the crowd dispersed to attend classes by 1 p.m., another rally was planned for May 4 to continue the protest of the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia. There was widespread anger, and many protesters issued a call to “bring the war home”. A group of history students buried a copy of the U.S. Constitution to symbolize that Nixon had killed it.
Trouble exploded in town around midnight, when people left a bar and began throwing beer bottles at police cars and breaking downtown storefronts. In the process they broke a bank window, setting off an alarm. The news spread quickly and it resulted in several bars closing early to avoid trouble. Before long, more people had joined the vandalism.
By the time police arrived, a crowd of 120 had already gathered. Some people from the crowd had already lit a small bonfire in the street. The crowd appeared to be a mix of bikers, students, and transient people. A few members of the crowd began to throw beer bottles at the police, and then started yelling obscenities at them. The entire Kent police force was called to duty as well as officers from the county and surrounding communities. Kent Mayor LeRoy Satrom
declared a state of emergency
, called Ohio Governor Jim Rhodes
‘ office to seek assistance, and ordered all of the bars closed. The decision to close the bars early increased the size of the angry crowd. Police eventually succeeded in using tear gas to disperse the crowd from downtown, forcing them to move several blocks back to the campus.
Saturday, May 2
City officials and downtown businesses received threats, while rumors proliferated that radical revolutionaries were in Kent to destroy the city and university. Mayor Satrom met with Kent city officials and a representative of the Ohio Army National Guard
. Following the meeting, Satrom made the decision to call Governor Rhodes and request that the National Guard be sent to Kent, a request that was granted. Because of the rumors and threats, Satrom believed that local officials would not be able to handle future disturbances.
The decision to call in the National Guard was made at 5:00 pm, but the guard did not arrive into town that evening until around 10 pm. A large demonstration was already under way on the campus, and the campus Reserve Officer Training Corps
was burning. The arsonists were never apprehended and no one was injured in the fire.
More than a thousand protesters surrounded the building and cheered its burning.
Several Kent firemen and police officers were struck by rocks and other objects while attempting to extinguish the blaze. Several fire engine companies had to be called in because protesters carried the fire hose into the Commons and slashed it.
The National Guard made numerous arrests and used tear gas
; at least one student was slightly wounded with a bayonet
Sunday, May 3
During a press conference at the Kent firehouse, an emotional Governor Rhodes pounded on the desk and called the student protesters un-American, referring to them as revolutionaries set on destroying higher education in Ohio. “We’ve seen here at the city of Kent especially, probably the most vicious form of campus oriented violence yet perpetrated by dissident groups. They make definite plans of burning, destroying, and throwing rocks at police, and at the National Guard and the Highway Patrol.
This is when we’re going to use every part of the law enforcement agency of Ohio to drive them out of Kent. We are going to eradicate the problem. We’re not going to treat the symptoms. And these people just move from one campus to the other and terrorize the community. They’re worse than the brown shirts and the communist element and also the night riders and the vigilantes”, Rhodes said.
“They’re the worst type of people that we harbor in America. Now I want to say this. They are not going to take over [the] campus. I think that we’re up against the strongest, well-trained, militant, revolutionary group that has ever assembled in America.” Rhodes can be heard in the recording of his speech yelling and pounding his fists on the desk.
Rhodes also claimed he would obtain a court order declaring a state of emergency that would ban further demonstrations and gave the impression that a situation akin to martial law
had been declared; however, he never attempted to obtain such an order.
During the day, some students came into downtown Kent to help with cleanup efforts after the rioting, which was met with mixed reactions from local businessmen. Mayor Satrom, under pressure from frightened citizens, ordered a curfew until further notice.
Around 8:00 pm, another rally was held on the campus Commons. By 8:45 pm the Guardsmen used tear gas to disperse the crowd, and the students reassembled at the intersection of Lincoln and Main, holding a sit-in with the hopes of gaining a meeting with Mayor Satrom and the university president, Robert White.
At 11:00 p.m., the Guard announced that a curfew had gone into effect and began forcing the students back to their dorms. A few students were bayoneted by Guardsmen.
Monday, May 4
On Monday, May 4, a protest was scheduled to be held at noon, as had been planned three days earlier. University officials attempted to ban the gathering, handing out 12,000 leaflets stating that the event was canceled. Despite these efforts, an estimated 2,000 people gathered
on the university’s Commons, near Taylor Hall. The protest began with the ringing of the campus’s iron Victory Bell (which had historically been used to signal victories in football games) to mark the beginning of the rally, and the first protester began to speak.
Companies A and C, 1/145th Infantry and Troop G of the 2/107th Armored Cavalry, Ohio National Guard (ARNG), the units on the campus grounds, attempted to disperse the students. The legality of the dispersal was later debated at a subsequent wrongful death and injury trial. On appeal, the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
ruled that authorities did indeed have the right to disperse the crowd.
The dispersal process began late in the morning with campus patrolman Harold Rice,
riding in a National Guard Jeep, approaching the students to read them an order to disperse or face arrest. The protesters responded by throwing rocks, striking one campus patrolman and forcing the Jeep to retreat.
Just before noon, the Guard returned and again ordered the crowd to disperse. When most of the crowd refused, the Guard used tear gas
. Because of wind, the tear gas had little effect in dispersing the crowd, and some launched a second volley of rocks toward the Guard’s line, to chants of, “Pigs off campus!” The students lobbed the tear gas canisters back at the National Guardsmen, who wore gas masks
When it became clear that the crowd was not going to disperse, a group of 77 National Guard troops from A Company and Troop G, with bayonets fixed on their M1 Garand rifles
, began to advance upon the hundreds of protesters. As the guardsmen advanced, the protesters retreated up and over Blanket Hill, heading out of the Commons area.
Once over the hill, the students, in a loose group, moved northeast along the front of Taylor Hall, with some continuing toward a parking lot in front of Prentice Hall (slightly northeast of and perpendicular to Taylor Hall). The guardsmen pursued the protesters over the hill, but rather than veering left as the protesters had, they continued straight, heading down toward an athletic practice field enclosed by a chain link fence.
Here they remained for about ten minutes, unsure of how to get out of the area short of retracing their path. During this time, the bulk of the students congregated off to the left and front of the guardsmen, approximately 150 to 225 ft (46 to 69 m) away, on the veranda of Taylor Hall. Others were scattered between Taylor Hall and the Prentice Hall parking lot, while still others (perhaps 35 or 40) were standing in the parking lot, or dispersing through the lot as they had been previously ordered.
While on the practice field, the guardsmen generally faced the parking lot which was about 100 yards (91 m) away. At one point, some of the guardsmen knelt and aimed their weapons toward the parking lot, then stood up again. For a few moments, several guardsmen formed a loose huddle and appeared to be talking to one another.
They had cleared the protesters from the Commons area, and many students had left, but some stayed and were still angrily confronting the soldiers, some throwing rocks and tear gas canisters. About ten minutes later, the guardsmen began to retrace their steps back up the hill toward the Commons area. Some of the students on the Taylor Hall veranda began to move slowly toward the soldiers as they passed over the top of the hill and headed back down into the Commons.
At 12:24 pm, according to eyewitnesses, a Sgt. Myron Pryor turned and began firing at the students with his .45 pistol. A number of guardsmen nearest the students also turned and fired their rifles at the students. In all, 29 of the 77 guardsmen claimed to have fired their weapons, using a final total of 67 rounds of ammunition. The shooting was determined to have lasted only 13 seconds, although John Kifner reported in the New York Times that “it appeared to go on, as a solid volley, for perhaps a full minute or a little longer.” The question of why the shots were fired remains widely debated.
Photo taken from the perspective of where the Ohio National Guard soldiers stood when they opened fire on the students
Bullet hole in Solar Totem #1 sculpture
by Don Drumm
caused by a .30 caliber round fired by the Ohio National Guard at Kent State on May 4, 1970
The Adjutant General
of the Ohio National Guard told reporters that a sniper
had fired on the guardsmen, which itself remains a debated allegation. Many guardsmen later testified that they were in fear for their lives, which was questioned partly because of the distance between them and the students killed or wounded.
Time magazine later concluded that “triggers were not pulled accidentally at Kent State.” The President’s Commission on Campus Unrest avoided probing the question of why the shootings happened. Instead, it harshly criticized both the protesters and the Guardsmen, but it concluded that “the indiscriminate firing of rifles into a crowd of students and the deaths that followed were unnecessary, unwarranted, and inexcusable.”
The shootings killed four students and wounded nine. Two of the four students killed, Allison Krause and Jeffrey Miller, had participated in the protest, and the other two, Sandra Scheuerand William Knox Schroeder, had been walking from one class to the next at the time of their deaths. Schroeder was also a member of the campus ROTC battalion. Of those wounded, none was closer than 71 feet (22 m) to the guardsmen. Of those killed, the nearest (Miller) was 225 feet (69 m) away, and their average distance from the guardsmen was 345 feet (105 m).
Two men who were present related what they saw.
Unidentified speaker 1:
Suddenly, they turned around, got on their knees, as if they were ordered to, they did it all together, aimed.
And personally, I was standing there saying, they’re not going to shoot, they can’t do that. If they are going to shoot, it’s going to be blank.
Unidentified speaker 2:
The shots were definitely coming my way, because when a bullet passes your head, it makes a crack. I hit the ground behind the curve, looking over. I saw a student hit. He stumbled and fell, to where he was running towards the car. Another student tried to pull him behind the car, bullets were coming through the windows of the car.
As this student fell behind the car, I saw another student go down, next to the curb, on the far side of the automobile, maybe 25 or 30 yards from where I was lying. It was maybe 25, 30, 35 seconds of sporadic firing.
The firing stopped. I lay there maybe 10 or 15 seconds. I got up, I saw four or five students lying around the lot. By this time, it was like mass hysteria. Students were crying, they were screaming for ambulances. I heard some girl screaming, “They didn’t have blank, they didn’t have blank,” no, they didn’t.
May 4, after the shootings
Immediately after the shootings, many angry students were ready to launch an all-out attack on the National Guard. Many faculty members, led by geology professor and faculty marshal Glenn Frank, pleaded with the students to leave the Commons and to not give in to violent escalation:
I don’t care whether you’ve never listened to anyone before in your lives. I am begging you right now. If you don’t disperse right now, they’re going to move in, and it can only be a slaughter. Would you please listen to me? Jesus Christ, I don’t want to be a part of this … !
After 20 minutes of speaking, the students left the Commons, as ambulance personnel tended to the wounded, and the Guard left the area. Professor Frank’s son, also present that day, said, “He absolutely saved my life and hundreds of others”.
Killed (and approximate distance from the National Guard):
Allison B. Krause
; age 19; 343 ft (105 m) fatal left chest wound; died later that day
William Knox Schroeder
; age 19; 382 ft (116 m) shot in the back; fatal chest wound; died almost an hour later in a hospital while undergoing surgery
Sandra Lee Scheuer
; age 20; 390 ft (120 m) fatal neck wound; died a few minutes later from loss of blood
Wounded (and approximate distance from the National Guard):
Joseph Lewis Jr.; 71 ft (22 m); hit twice in the right abdomen and left lower leg
John R. Cleary; 110 ft (34 m); upper left chest wound
Thomas Mark Grace; 225 ft (69 m); struck in left ankle
Dean R. Kahler; 300 ft (91 m); back wound fracturing the vertebrae, permanently paralyzed from the chest down
Douglas Alan Wrentmore; 329 ft (100 m); hit in his right knee
James Dennis Russell; 375 ft (114 m); hit in his right thigh from a bullet and in the right forehead by birdshot, both wounds minor
Robert Follis Stamps; 495 ft (151 m); hit in his right buttock
Donald Scott MacKenzie; 750 ft (230 m); neck wound
In the President’s Commission on Campus Unrest (pp. 273–274)
they mistakenly list Thomas V. Grace, who is Thomas Mark Grace’s father, as the Thomas Grace injured.
All those shot were students in good standing at the university.
Although initial newspaper reports had inaccurately stated that a number of National Guard members had been killed or seriously injured, only one Guardsman, Sgt. Lawrence Shafer, was injured seriously enough to require medical treatment, approximately 10 to 15 minutes prior to the shootings.
Shafer is also mentioned in a memo from November 15, 1973. The FBI memo was prepared by the Cleveland Office and is referred to by Field Office file # 44-703. It reads as follows:
Upon contacting appropriate officers of the Ohio National Guard at Ravenna and Akron, Ohio, regarding ONG radio logs and the availability of service record books, the respective ONG officer advised that any inquiries concerning the Kent State University incident should be directed to the Adjutant General, ONG, Columbus, Ohio. Three persons were interviewed regarding a reported conversation by Sgt Lawrence Shafer, ONG, that Shafer had bragged about “taking a bead” on Jeffrey Miller at the time of the ONG shooting and each interviewee was unable to substantiate such a conversation.
In an interview broadcast in 1986 on the ABC News
documentary series Our World
, Shafer identified the person that he fired at as Joseph Lewis.
Aftermath and long-term effects
Photographs of the dead and wounded at Kent State that were distributed in newspapers and periodicals worldwide amplified sentiment against the United States’ invasion of Cambodia and the Vietnam War in general. In particular, the camera of Kent State photojournalism student John Filo
captured a fourteen-year-old runaway, Mary Ann Vecchio
, screaming over the body of the dead student, Jeffrey Miller
, who had been shot in the mouth. The photograph, which won a Pulitzer Prize
, became the most enduring image of the events, and one of the most enduring images of the anti-Vietnam War movement.
The shootings led to protests on college campuses throughout the United States, and a student strike
, causing more than 450 campuses across the country to close with both violent and non-violent demonstrations.
A common sentiment was expressed by students at New York University
with a banner hung out of a window which read, “They Can’t Kill Us All.”
ON MAY 8TH, 11 PEOPLE WERE BAYONETTED AT UNIVERSITY OF MEXICO BY NEW MEXICO NATIONAL GUARD
100,000 PEOPLE DEMONSTRATED IN WASHINGTON DC FIVE DAYS LATER
Just five days after the shootings, 100,000 people demonstrated in Washington, D.C., against the war and the killing of unarmed student protesters. Ray Price, Nixon’s chief speechwriter from 1969–1974, recalled the Washington demonstrations saying, “The city was an armed camp. The mobs were smashing windows, slashing tires, dragging parked cars into intersections, even throwing bedsprings off overpasses into the traffic down below. This was the quote, student protest. That’s not student protest, that’s civil war.”
Not only was Nixon taken to Camp David
for two days for his own protection, but Charles Colson
(Counsel to President Nixon from 1969 to 1973) stated that the military was called up to protect the administration from the angry students; he recalled that “The 82nd Airborne
was in the basement of the executive office building, so I went down just to talk to some of the guys and walk among them, and they’re lying on the floor leaning on their packs and their helmets and their cartridge belts and their rifles cocked and you’re thinking, ‘This can’t be the United States of America. This is not the greatest free democracy in the world. This is a nation at war with itself.'”
Shortly after the shootings took place, the Urban Institute
conducted a national study that concluded the Kent State shooting was the single factor causing the only nationwide student strike in U.S. history; over 4 million students protested and over 900 American colleges and universities closed during the student strikes. The Kent State campus remained closed for six weeks.
President Nixon and his administration’s public reaction to the shootings was perceived by many in the anti-war movement as callous. Then National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger said the president was “pretending indifference.” Stanley Karnow noted in hisVietnam: A History that “The [Nixon] administration initially reacted to this event with wanton insensitivity. Nixon’s press secretary, Ron Ziegler, whose statements were carefully programmed, referred to the deaths as a reminder that ‘when dissent turns to violence, it invites tragedy.'” Three days before the shootings, Nixon himself had talked of “bums” who were antiwar protestors on US campuses, to which the father of Allison Krause stated on national TV “My child was not a bum.”
A Gallup Poll taken immediately after the shootings showed that 58 percent of respondents blamed the students, 11 percent blamed the National Guard and 31 percent expressed no opinion.
Karnow further documented that at 4:15 am on May 9, 1970, the president met about 30 student dissidents conducting a vigil at theLincoln Memorial
, whereupon Nixon “treated them to a clumsy and condescending monologue, which he made public in an awkward attempt to display his benevolence.” Nixon had been trailed by White House Deputy for Domestic Affairs Egil Krogh
, who saw it differently, saying, “I thought it was a very significant and major effort to reach out.”
In any regard, neither side could convince the other and after meeting with the students, Nixon expressed that those in the anti-war movement were the pawns of foreign communists. After the student protests, Nixon asked H. R. Haldeman to consider the Huston Plan, which would have used illegal procedures to gather information on the leaders of the anti-war movement. Only the resistance of J. Edgar Hoover stopped the plan.
2 STUDENTS KILLED AND 12 WOUNDED BY POLICE AT JACKSON STATE UNIVERSITY UNDER SIMILAR CIRCUMSTANCES
On May 14, ten days after the Kent State shootings, two students were killed (and 12 wounded) by police at Jackson State University
under similar circumstances – the Jackson State killings
– but that event did not arouse the same nationwide attention as the Kent State shootings.
GOVERNMENT COMMISSION RULED THAT USE OF DEADLY FORCE WAS NOT NEEDED AND UNJUSTIFIED
There was wide discussion as to whether these were legally justified shootings of American citizens, and whether the protests or the decisions to ban them were constitutional. These debates served to further galvanize uncommitted opinion by the terms of the discourse. The term “massacre” was applied to the shootings by some individuals and media sources, as it had been used for theBoston Massacre of 1770, in which five were killed and several more wounded.
On June 13, 1970, as a consequence of the killings of protesting students at Kent State and Jackson State, President Nixon established the President’s Commission on Campus Unrest, known as the Scranton Commission, which he charged to study the dissent, disorder, and violence breaking out on college and university campuses across the nation.
The Commission issued its findings in a September 1970 report that concluded that the Ohio National Guard shootings on May 4, 1970, were unjustified. The report said:
Even if the guardsmen faced danger, it was not a danger that called for lethal force. The 61 shots by 28 guardsmen certainly cannot be justified. Apparently, no order to fire was given, and there was inadequate fire control discipline on Blanket Hill. The Kent State tragedy must mark the last time that, as a matter of course, loaded rifles are issued to guardsmen confronting student demonstrators.
In September 1970, twenty-four students and one faculty member were indicted on charges connected with the May 4 demonstration at the ROTC building fire three days before. These individuals, who had been identified from photographs, became known as the “Kent 25.” Five cases, all related to the burning of the ROTC building, went to trial; one non-student defendant was convicted on one charge and two other non-students pleaded guilty. One other defendant was acquitted, and charges were dismissed against the last. In December 1971, all charges against the remaining twenty were dismissed for lack of evidence.
EIGHT GUARDSMEN WERE INDICTED BY A GRAND JURY, ALL CHARGES WERE DISMISSED BY JUDGE
Eight of the guardsmen were indicted by a grand jury. The guardsmen claimed to have fired in self-defense, a claim that was generally accepted by the criminal justice system. In 1974 U.S. District Judge Frank Battisti dismissed charges against all eight on the basis that the prosecution’s case was too weak to warrant a trial.
Larry Shafer, a guardsman who said he fired during the shootings and was one of those charged, told the Kent-Ravenna Record-Courier
newspaper in May 2007: “I never heard any command to fire. That’s all I can say on that.” Shafer—a Ravenna city councilman and former fire chief—went on to say, “That’s not to say there may not have been, but with all the racket and noise, I don’t know how anyone could have heard anything that day.” Shafer also went on to say that “point” would not have been part of a proper command to open fire.
Civil actions were also attempted against the guardsmen, the State of Ohio, and the president of Kent State. The federal court civil action for wrongful death and injury, brought by the victims and their families against Governor Rhodes, the President of Kent State, and the National Guardsmen, resulted in unanimous verdicts for all defendants on all claims after an eleven-week trial.
The judgment on those verdicts was reversed by the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit on the ground that the federal trial judge had mishandled an out-of-court threat against a juror. On remand, the civil case was settled in return for payment of a total of $675,000 to all plaintiffs by the State of Ohio
(explained by the State as the estimated cost of defense) and the defendants’ agreement to state publicly that they regretted what had happened:
In retrospect, the tragedy of May 4, 1970 should not have occurred. The students may have believed that they were right in continuing their mass protest in response to the Cambodian invasion, even though this protest followed the posting and reading by the university of an order to ban rallies and an order to disperse. These orders have since been determined by the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals to have been lawful.
Some of the Guardsmen on Blanket Hill, fearful and anxious from prior events, may have believed in their own minds that their lives were in danger. Hindsight suggests that another method would have resolved the confrontation. Better ways must be found to deal with such a confrontation.
We devoutly wish that a means had been found to avoid the May 4th events culminating in the Guard shootings and the irreversible deaths and injuries. We deeply regret those events and are profoundly saddened by the deaths of four students and the wounding of nine others which resulted. We hope that the agreement to end the litigation will help to assuage the tragic memories regarding that sad day.
In the succeeding years, many in the anti-war movement have referred to the shootings as “murders,” although no criminal convictions were obtained against any National Guardsman. In December 1970, journalist I. F. Stone
wrote the following:
To those who think murder is too strong a word, one may recall that even Agnew three days after the Kent State shootings used the word in an interview on the David Frost show in Los Angeles. Agnew admitted in response to a question that what happened at Kent State was murder, “but not first degree” since there was – as Agnew explained from his own training as a lawyer – “no premeditation but simply an over-response in the heat of anger that results in a killing; it’s a murder. It’s not premeditated and it certainly can’t be condoned.”
The Kent State incident forced the National Guard to re-examine its methods of crowd control. The only equipment the guardsmen had to disperse demonstrators that day were M1 Garand rifles loaded with .30-06 FMJ ammunition, 12 Ga. pump shotguns, bayonets, and CS gas grenades. In the years that followed, the U.S. Army began developing less lethal means of dispersing demonstrators (such as rubber bullets), and changed its crowd control and riot tactics to attempt to avoid casualties amongst the demonstrators. Many of the crowd-control changes brought on by the Kent State events are used today by police and military forces in the United States when facing similar situations, such as the 1992 Los Angeles Riots and civil disorder during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrinain 2005.
KENT STATE ESTABLISHED THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY AND PREVENTION OF VIOLENCE
One outgrowth of the events was the Center for Peaceful Change established at Kent State University in 1971 “as a living memorial to the events of May 4, 1970.” Now known as The Center for Applied Conflict Management (CACM), it developed one of the earliest conflict resolution undergraduate degree programs in the United States. The Institute for the Study and Prevention of Violence, an interdisciplinary program dedicated to violence prevention, was established in 1998.
POLICE AND FBI INFORMANT PRESENT AND TAKING PICTURES OF LEADERS
According to FBI reports, one part-time student, Terry Norman, was already noted by student protesters as an informant for both campus police and the Akron FBI branch. Norman was present during the May 4 protests, taking photographs to identify student leaders, while carrying a sidearm and wearing a gas mask.
In 1970, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover responded to questions from then-Congressman John Ashbrook by denying that Norman had ever worked for the FBI, a statement Norman himself disputed. On August 13, 1973, Indiana Senator Birch Bayh sent a memo to then-governor of Ohio John J. Gilligan suggesting that Norman may have fired the first shot, based on testimony he [Bayh] received from guardsmen who claimed that a gunshot fired from the vicinity of the protesters instigated the Guard to open fire on the students.
Throughout the 40 years since the shootings, debate has continued on about the events of May 4, 1970.
Two of the survivors have died: James Russell on June 23, 2007;
and Robert Stamps in June 2008.
STRUBBE TAPE CONFIRMS GUARDSMEN WERE ORDERED TO FIRE
In 2007 Alan Canfora, one of the wounded, located a copy of a tape of the shootings in a library archive. The original 30-minute reel-to-reel tape was made by Terry Strubbe, a Kent State communications student who turned on his recorder and put its microphone in his dorm window overlooking the campus. A 2010 audio analysis of a tape recording of the incident by Stuart Allen and Tom Owen, who were described by the Cleveland Plain Dealer as “nationally respected forensic audio experts,” concluded that the guardsmen were given an order to fire.
It is the only known recording to capture the events leading up to the shootings. According to the Plain Dealer description of the enhanced recording, a male voice yells “Guard!” Several seconds pass. Then, “All right, prepare to fire!” “Get down!,” someone shouts urgently, presumably in the crowd. Finally, “Guard! … ” followed two seconds later by a long, booming volley of gunshots.
The entire spoken sequence lasts 17 seconds. Further analysis of the audiotape revealed that four pistol shots and a violent confrontation occurred approximately 70 seconds before the National Guard opened fire. According to The Plain Dealer, this new analysis raised questions about the role of Terry Norman, a Kent State student who was an FBI informant and known to be carrying a pistol during the disturbance. Alan Canfora said it was premature to reach any conclusions.
In April, 2012 the United States Department of Justice
determined that there were “insurmountable legal and evidentiary barriers” to reopening the case. Also in 2012 the FBI concluded the Strubbe tape was inconclusive because what has been described as pistol shots may have been slamming doors and that voices heard were unintelligible. Despite this, organizations of survivors and current Kent State students continue to believe the Strubbe tape proves the Guardsmen were given a military order to fire and are petitioning State of Ohio and U.S. Government officials to reopen the case using independent analysis. The organizations do not desire to prosecute or sue individual guardsmen believing they are also victims.
Memorials and remembrances
Kent State Shootings Site
Location .5 mi. SE of the intersection of E. Main St. and S. Lincoln St.,Kent, Ohio
Area 17.24 acres (6.98 ha)
Governing body Private
NRHP Reference # 10000046
Added to NRHP February 23, 2010
Each May 4 from 1971 to 1975 the Kent State University administration sponsored an official commemoration of the events. Upon the university’s announcement in 1976 that it would no longer sponsor such commemorations, the May 4 Task Force, a group made up of students and community members, was formed for this purpose. The group has organized a commemoration on the university’s campus each year since 1976; events generally include a silent march around the campus, a candlelight vigil, a ringing of the Victory Bell in memory of those killed and injured, speakers (always including eyewitnesses and family members), and music.
On May 12, 1977, a tent city
was erected and maintained for a period of more than 60 days by a group of several dozen protesters on the Kent State campus. The protesters, led by the May 4 Task Force but also including community members and local clergy, were attempting to prevent the university from erecting a gymnasium annex on part of the site where the shootings occurred seven years earlier, which they believed would alter and obscure the historical event. Law enforcement finally brought the tent city to an end on July 12, 1977, after the forced removal and arrest of 193 people. The event gained national press coverage and the issue was taken to the U.S. Supreme Court.
In 1990, twenty years after the shootings, a memorial commemorating the events of May 4 was dedicated on the campus on a 2.5 acre (10,000 m²) site overlooking the University’s Commons where the student protest took place. Even the construction of the monument became controversial and, in the end, only 7% of the design was constructed. The memorial itself does not contain the names of those killed or wounded in the shooting; under pressure, the university agreed to install a plaque near it with the names.
In 1999, at the urging of relatives of the four students killed in 1970, the university constructed an individual memorial for each of the students in the parking lot between Taylor and Prentice halls. Each of the four memorials is located on the exact spot where the student fell, mortally wounded. They are surrounded by a raised rectangle of granite
featuring six lightposts approximately four feet high, with the student’s name engraved on a triangular marble plaque in one corner.
1978 cast-from-life bronze sculpture, In Memory of May 4, 1970, Kent State: Abraham and Isaac was commissioned for the Kent State campus by a private fund for public art,
but was refused by the university administration who deemed its subject matter
(the biblical Abraham poised to sacrifice his son Isaac) too controversial. The sculpture was accepted in 1979 by Princeton University
, and currently resides there between the university chapel and library.
An earlier work of land art
, Partially Buried Woodshed
was produced on the Kent State campus by Robert Smithson
in January 1970.
Shortly after the events, an inscription was added that recontextualized the work in such a way that it came to be associated by some with the event.
On May 3, 2007, just prior to the yearly commemoration, an Ohio Historical Society marker was dedicated by KSU president Lester Lefton
. It is located between Taylor Hall and Prentice Hall between the parking lot and the 1990 memorial.
Also in 2007, a memorial service was held at Kent State in honor of James Russell, one of the wounded, who died in 2007 of a heart attack.
In 2008, Kent State University announced plans to construct a May 4 Visitors’ Center in a room in Taylor Hall.
The center was officially opened in May 2013, on the anniversary of the shootings.
A 17.24-acre (6.98 ha) area was listed as “Kent State Shootings Site” on the National Register of Historic Places
on February 23, 2010.
Places normally cannot be added to the Register until they have been significant for at least fifty years, and only cases of “exceptional importance” can be added sooner.
The entry was announced as the featured listing in the National Park Service
‘s weekly list of March 5, 2010.
KENT STATE SHOOTING ESTABLISHED LEGAL PRECEDENT THAT GOVERNMENT CAN USE DEADLY FORCE WITH NO CONSEQUENCES
Contributing resources in the site are: Taylor Hall, the Victory Bell, Lilac Lane and Boulder Marker, The Pagoda, Solar Totem, and the Prentice Hall Parking Lot. The National Park Service stated the site “is considered nationally significant given its broad effects in causing the largest student strike in United States history, affecting public opinion about the Vietnam War, creating a legal precedent established by the trials subsequent to the shootings, and for the symbolic status the event has attained as a result of a government confronting protesting citizens with unreasonable deadly force.”
Every year on the anniversary of the shootings, notably on the 40th anniversary in 2010, students and others who were present share remembrances of the day and the impact it has had on their lives. Among them are Nick Saban
, head coach of the Alabama Crimson Tide football
team who was a freshman in 1970;
surviving student Tom Grace, who was shot in the foot;
Kent State faculty member Jerry Lewis;
photographer John Filo;
1970: Confrontation at Kent State (director Richard Myers
) – documentary filmed by a Kent State University filmmaker in Kent, Ohio, directly following the shootings.
2000: Kent State: The Day the War Came Home (director Chris Triffo, executive producer Mark Mori
), the Emmy-Award-winning documentary featuring interviews with injured students, eyewitnesses, guardsmen, and relatives of students killed at Kent State.
2007: 4 Tote in Ohio: Ein Amerikanisches Trauma (“4 dead in Ohio: an American trauma”) (directors Klaus Bredenbrock and Pagonis Pagonakis) – documentary featuring interviews with injured students, eyewitnesses and a German journalist who was a U.S. correspondent.
2010: Fire In the Heartland: Kent State, May 4, and Student Protest in America (director Daniel Lee Miller) – documentary featuring the build-up to, the events of, and the aftermath of the shootings, told by many of those who were present and in some cases wounded.
Film and television[edit
1974: The Trial of Billy Jack
– The climactic scene of this film depicts National Guardsmen lethally firing on unarmed students, and the credits specifically mention Kent State and other student shootings.
1981: Kent State (director James Goldstone) – television docudrama
– Directed by Oliver Stone
, the film features actual footage of the shootings; the event also plays an important role in the course of the film’s narrative.
2000: The ’70s starring Vinessa Shaw
and Amy Smart
, a mini-series depicting four Kent State students affected by the shootings, as they move through the decade.
2002: The Year That Trembled (written and directed by Jay Craven
; based on a novel by Scott Lax), a coming-of-age movie set in 1970 Ohio, in the aftermath of the Kent State killings.
1976 – Kent State: A Requiem by J. Gregory Payne. First performed in 1976. Told from the perspective of Bill Schroeder’s mother, Florence, this play has been performed at over 150 college campuses in the U.S. and Europe in tours in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s; it was last performed at Emerson College in 2007. It is also the basis of NBC’s award-winning 1981 docudrama Kent State.
2010– David Hassler, director of the Wick Poetry Center at Kent State and theatre professor Katherine Burke teamed up to write the play May 4 Voices, in honor of the incident’s 40th anniversary.
2012- 4 Dead in Ohio: Antigone at Kent State (created by students of Connecticut College
‘s theatre department and David Jaffe ’77, associate professor of theater and the director of the play) – An adaptation of Sophocles
using the play Burial at Thebes by Nobel Laureate Seamus Heaney
. It was performed November 15–18, 2012 in Tansill Theater.
trilogy (1988–1992) follows the story of a teaching assistant who narrowly missed being shot in the massacre. Frequent references are made to how the experience and its aftermath still traumatize the protagonist decades later, when she herself is a soldier.
Jerry Fishman’s How Nixon Taught America to do The Kent State Mambo (2010) is a fantasy novella about the tragedy.
‘s post-apocalyptic novel The Stand
includes a scene in Book I in which Kent State campus police officers witness U.S. soldiers shooting students protesting the government cover-up of the military origins of the Superflu which is decimating the country.
The best known popular culture response to the deaths at Kent State was the protest song
“, written by Neil Young
for Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young
. The song was written, recorded, and preliminary pressings (acetates) were rushed to major radio stations, although the group already had a hit song, “Teach Your Children
“, on the charts at the time. Within two-and-a-half weeks of the Kent State shootings, “Ohio” was receiving national airplay. Crosby
, and Nash
visited the Kent State campus for the first time on May 4, 1997, where they performed the song for the May 4 Task Force’s 27th annual commemoration.
There are a number of lesser known musical tributes, including the following:
wrote a song called “Where Was Jesus in Ohio” in May or June 1970. The unreleased and uncirculating song is reported to be the artist’s emotionally charged response to the Kent State shootings.
In 1970–71 Halim El-Dabh
, a Kent State University music professor who was on campus when the shootings occurred, composedOpera Flies, a full-length opera, in response to his experience. The work was first performed on the Kent State campus on May 8, 1971, and was revived for the 25th commemoration of the events in 1995.
Actress and singer Ruth Warrick
released in 1971 a single with the song “41,000 Plus 4 – The Ballad of the Kent State”, an homage to the four students killed at Kent State.
In 1971, the composer and pianist Bill Dobbins (who was a Kent State University graduate student at the time of the shootings), composed “The Balcony”, an avant-garde work for jazz band inspired by the same event, according to the album’s liner notes.
‘s 1971 cantata
Truth Is Fallen was written in response to the slain students at Kent State University and Jackson State University; the work was premiered in Midland, Michigan
on May 1, 1971, and released on LP in 1972.
‘s “It Could Have Been Me” was released on A Live Album (1974). The song is Near’s personal response to the incident.
A commemorative 2-CD compilation featuring music and interviews was released by the May 4 Task Force in May 2005, in commemoration of the 35th anniversary of the shootings.
One of the students who participated in the protest was Chrissie Hynde
, future leader of The Pretenders
, who was a sophomore at the time.
Her former bandmate, Mark Mothersbaugh
, and Gerald Casale
, founding members of Devo
, also attended Kent State at the time of the shootings. Casale was reportedly “standing about 15 feet (4.6 m) away”
from Allison Krause when she was shot, and was friends with her and another one of the students who were killed. The shootings were the transformative moment for him
and for the band, which became less of a pure joke and more a vehicle for social critique (albeit with a blackly humorous
cover the topic in their 1995 album, Give Light. The song ‘Kent’ was written by band member, Terry Leonino, a survivor of the Kent State shootings.
sings “The Kent State Massacre” written by Jack Warshaw on her 1973 album I Hate the Capitalist System.
Musician, spoken word artist and political activist Jello Biafra
, who was influenced by the Vietnam War protests and Kent State,
mentions the shootings in his satirical song “Wish I Was in El Salvador”, included in the collaboration album Last Scream of the Missing Neighbors
he made with Canadian hardcore punk band D.O.A.
in 1990. The verse recites “Commander says I gotta hold the line/’Til the TV cameras leave/Then we’ll fire away, make my day/Just like good ol’ Kent State”.
The Swedish rock band Gläns över Sjö & Strand made a song about the shootings, in the album Är du lönsam lilla vän?, called “Ohio 4 maj 1970”.
Police Fired Tear Gas at Occupy Protesters in 2011
The savage violence of the police against Occupy protesters in 2011 was well documented, and included the use of tear gas
and other chemical irritants. Tear gas is prohibited for use against enemy soldiers
in battle by the Chemical Weapons Convention. Can’t police give civilian protesters in Oakland, California the same courtesy and protection that international law requires for enemy soldiers on a battlefield?
The FBI Attacked Men, Women, and Children With Tear Gas in Waco in 1993
At the infamous Waco siege
of a peaceful community of Seventh Day Adventists, the FBI pumped tear gas
into buildings knowing that women, children, and babies were inside. The tear gas was highly flammable and ignited, engulfing the buildings in flames and killing 49 men and women, and 27 children, including babies and toddlers. Remember, attacking an armed enemy soldier on a battlefield with tear gas is a war crime. What kind of crime is attacking a baby with tear gas?
KNOW YOUR RIGHTS
ACLU: Know Your Rights: Free Speech, Protests and Demonstrations
Riots and protests are one of the signs that show that a bottoms up democracy is NOT working in whatever country that happen in. Riots are not made up of extremists in most cases, but rather grow out of a frustration and anger about things going wrong, which are not being addressed by the President and/or political leaders.
As the ordinary person on the streets in America feels freedom and democracy slipping away, the levels of frustration and anger grow. As the militarized police cracks down harder, the anger and frustration builds even more. As secret behind closed door agreements are forged, such as TPP, with absolutely zero input from average people the anger and frustration grows.
As huge corporations take over governments and foreign policy plus sovereign rights of more countries, the anger and frustration grows. Extremism is the result of ignoring public input, voting rights, and bottoms up democracy.
All of the things that President Obama pointed at in his speech above that cause extremism in foreign countries, are happening in AMERICA today.
- Loss of freedom
- Loss of voting rights
- Loss of democracy
- Loss of bottoms up influence
- Loss of unions
- Loss of funding for fundamentals like food, housing, etc
- Increase in military industrial budget, while cutting all social programs
- Increase in corporate power via TPP, free trade agreements
- Importing foreign workers via visa programs
- Exporting jobs to Communist China
- Increase in militarized police force
- Increase in spying agencies, surveillance, controlled solely by President
- Increase in covert operations and spy agency budgets, all of them controlled only by President
- Neglect of infrastructure
- Cutting education funding
- Corrupting justice system by corporate control
- Growth in homeless population
- Growth in numbers of poor and destitute
- Stagnating income
- Huge increase in costs and expenses, with no rise in pay
- Increasing money and resources going to assassinations globally via drone program
- Huge increases in violence and numbers of guns due to fear of extremism feeds negative cycles
President Obama said he is for greater democracy, greater transparency, greater protection for whistleblowers, dismantling the military industrial complex and getting rid of nuclear weapons, but then he does the exact opposite once in office. President Obama speaks very well, and gets applause for his speeches. It is very clear from what he actually DOES, that he is on the side of huge corporations, not ordinary folks, with his ACTIONS and votes.
People are waking up to the fact that the politicians are nothing but shills for huge corporations, their money, their lobbyists and ALEC inspired laws. Ordinary people have little or no access to the political system anymore and are being shut out completely. Democracy and freedom is being lost. The military industrial complex that is made up of huge corporations is growing in absolute power, political takeover of both major parties and overall strength.
Censored, Top Secret! Art And Science Of Deception; Global Corporations, CIA, Journalism And The 1%, Whistleblowers, Voting, Elections And Solutions
Due to all of these influences plus more, AGRP predicts that riots will tend to grow more frequent. Unless things radically change for the better INSIDE the US, the crackdown by militarized police will also increase. Loss of more freedom, loss of more democracy, martial law imposition, bayonets, and more shootings by the National Guard, police and or the military are not unusual in the US as shown by the above examples, plus the Civil War. The overall trend will be to increase the use of this top down violent suppression of the bottoms up democracy movement, unless things change for the better through drastic changes to the political arena, voting process and mass media control.
Due to the legal precedent set of no punishment for those doing the shooting at Kent State, it is quite possible that troops, police and/or the National Guard will put down riots with gun fire and bayonets in the future, along with imposing martial law in riot prone areas.